🌍 Terrorism for Africa Don Increase Reach 100,000 Percent Since War on Terror Start 🚨
⬇️ Pidgin ⬇️ ⬇️ Black American Slang ⬇️ English
New report wey Department of Defense (DoD) bring out dey show say violence for Africa today worse pass as e be when US military enter to ‘help’ 🛑. Death from terrorism for Africa don blow pass 100,000 percent during di U.S. war on terror, according to fresh study by Africa Center for Strategic Studies, wey be Pentagon research institution. Dis one dey contrary to wetin U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) dey talk say dem dey prevent terrorist threats for continent and dey promote security and stability.
For whole Africa, State Department bin count only nine terrorist attacks for 2002 and 2003, wey cause about 23 people to die. Dat time, U.S. just dey start long-time effort to provide security assistance wey worth billions of dollars, train plenty African military personnel, set up plenty outposts, send dia own commandos for different missions, create proxy forces, do drone strikes, and even fight ground combat with militants for Africa.
Plenty Americans, including members of Congress, no even know how wide dis operations don reach — or how small e don do to protect African lives.
Last year, people wey die from militant Islamist violence for Africa increase by 20 percent — from 19,412 for 2022 to 23,322 — reaching “record level of lethal violence,” according to Africa Center. Dis one na almost double di deaths since 2021 and 101,300 percent jump since 2002-2003.
For decades, U.S. counter-terrorism efforts for Africa don dey focus mainly on two areas: Somalia and di West African Sahel. Each one see big increase for terrorism last year.
U.S. Special Operations forces first go Somalia for 2002, follow by military aid, advisers, and private contractors. More than 20 years later, U.S. troops still dey conduct counterterrorism operations there, mainly against Islamist militant group al-Shabaab. For dis purpose, Washington don provide billions of dollars for counterterrorism assistance, according to 2023 report by Costs of War Project for Brown University. Americans don also do more than 280 air strikes and commando raids there and create plenty proxy forces to conduct low-profile military operations.
Somalia see, according to Africa Center, “22-percent increase for fatalities for 2023 — reaching record high of 7,643 deaths.” Dis one na tripling of fatalities since 2020.
Di findings even worse for Sahel. For 2002 and 2003, State Department count total of just nine terrorist attacks for Africa. Today, nations for West African Sahel dey suffer from terrorist groups wey don grow, evolve, splinter, and reconstitute themselves. Under black banners of jihadist militancy, men on motorcycles — wearing sunglasses and turbans and armed with AK-47s — dey enter villages to impose dia harsh brand of Sharia law and terrorize, assault, and kill civilians. Relentless attacks by these jihadis don destabilize Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger.
“Fatalities for Sahel represent near threefold increase from levels seen for 2020,” according to Africa Center report. “Fatalities for Sahel amount to 50 percent of all militant Islamist-linked fatalities reported for continent for 2023.”
At least 15 officers wey benefit from U.S. security assistance don dey involved for 12 coups for West Africa and greater Sahel during di war on terror. Di list include officers from Burkina Faso (2014, 2015, and twice for 2022); Chad (2021); Gambia (2014); Guinea (2021); Mali (2012, 2020, and 2021); Mauritania (2008); and Niger (2023). At least five leaders of di Nigerien junta, for example, receive American assistance, according to U.S. official. Dem, in turn, appoint five U.S.-trained members of di Nigerien security forces to serve as dat country governors.
Such military coups don undermine American aims to provide stability and security for Africans, yet United States dey hesitant to cut ties with these rogue regimes. Despite di Nigerien coup, for example, United States continue to garrison troops for, and conduct missions from, dia large drone base there.
Juntas don also increase atrocities. Take Colonel Assimi Goïta, wey work with U.S. Special Operations forces, participate for U.S. training exercises, and attend di Joint Special Operations University for Florida before e overthrow Mali government for 2020. Goïta then take di job of vice president for a transitional government officially charged with returning di country to civilian rule, only to seize power again for 2021.
Dat same year, Goita junta reportedly authorize di deployment
of Russia-linked Wagner mercenary forces to fight Islamist militants after almost two decades of failed Western-backed counterterrorism efforts. Wagner — a paramilitary group founded by late Yevgeny Prigozhin, a former hot-dog vendor turned warlord — go on to dey implicated for hundreds of human rights abuses alongside di longtime U.S.-backed Malian military, including 2022 massacre wey kill 500 civilians.
U.S. law generally restrict countries from receiving military aid following military coups, but U.S. don continue to provide assistance to Sahelian juntas. While Goïta 2020 and 2021 coups trigger prohibitions on some forms of U.S. security assistance, American tax dollars don continue to fund im forces. According to State Department, U.S. provide more than $16 million for security aid to Mali for 2020 and almost $5 million for 2021. As of July 2023, di department Bureau of Counterterrorism dey wait on congressional approval to transfer additional $2 million to Mali. (State Department no reply to Responsible Statecraft request for update on di status of dat funding.)
Similarly, Burkina Faso military kill scores of civilians for drone strikes last year, according to recent report released by Human Rights Watch. Di attacks, wey target Islamist militants for crowded marketplaces and for funeral, leave at least 60 civilians dead and dozens more injured.
For more than one decade, U.S. don pour tens of millions of dollars into security aid to Burkina Faso. U.S. Africa Command or AFRICOM, according to spokesperson Kelly Cahalan, “not currently providing assistance to Burkina Faso.” But she no respond to questions wey clarify wetin, exactly, dat mean.
Last year, in fact, AFRICOM commander Gen. Michael Langley admit say U.S. don continue to provide military training to Burkinabè forces. Those troops, for example, take part for Flintlock 2023, one annual training exercise sponsored by U.S. Special Operations Command Africa. Still, Burkina Faso suffer 67 percent of di militant Islamist-related fatalities for Sahel (7,762) for 2023, according to Africa Center.
U.S. Africa Command dey tout say e “counters transnational threats and malign actors” and dey promote “regional security, stability and prosperity” helping its African partners to ensure di “security and safety” of dia people. Di fact say civilian deaths from militant Islamist violence don reach record levels, according to Africa Center, and spike 101,300 percent during di war on terror dey show di opposite.
AFRICOM direct queries on di findings of Africa Center new report to Office of di Secretary of Defense. Pentagon no respond to di questions before publication.
NOW IN BLACK AMERICAN SLANG
🌍 Terrorism’s Wild Rise in Africa Hits 100,000% Since That ‘War on Terror’ Started 🚨
A fresh report from the Department of Defense just dropped, and it’s laying down some heavy truth. Violence in Africa? It’s way more intense now than back when the US military stepped in, claiming they were gonna lend a hand 🛑. We’re talking a staggering jump in terrorism-related deaths in Africa, over 100,000 percent, all during the US’s so-called war on terror, as per this deep dive by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, straight outta the Pentagon. This is straight-up clashing with what the US Africa Command (AFRICOM) has been saying about cutting down terrorist threats and boosting peace and stability.
Back in the day, around 2002 and 2003, the State Department was only talking about nine terrorist attacks across Africa, with 23 lives lost. That was when the US was just kicking off a long haul mission, throwing billions in security cash, training thousands of African military folks, setting up loads of outposts, sending in their own squads for all kinds of missions, building up proxy teams, hitting drone strikes, and even getting down in the dirt with militants on African soil.
A lot of folks in the States, even those in Congress, ain’t fully hip to how deep these operations go — or the fact that they ain’t really been much help in protecting African lives.
Just last year, deaths from militant Islamist violence in Africa went up by 20 percent — from 19,412 in 2022 to 23,322 — hitting what the Africa Center calls “a record level of lethal violence.” That’s nearly double the death toll since 2021 and a mind-blowing 101,300 percent spike since the early 2000s.
For years, the US’s counter-terrorism moves in Africa have been zeroed in on two main spots: Somalia and the West African Sahel, both seeing major upticks in terror last year.
US Special Ops first touched down in Somalia in 2002, followed by military aid, advisors, and private contractors. Fast forward over 20 years, and US troops are still on the ground there, mainly targeting the Islamist militant group al-Shabaab. The US has been pouring billions into counterterrorism help, as noted in a 2023 Costs of War Project report from Brown University. Over 280 air strikes and commando raids later, plus a bunch of proxy forces set up for low-key military moves.
According to the Africa Center, Somalia saw “a 22-percent hike in fatalities in 2023 — reaching a new high of 7,643 deaths.” That’s three times the fatalities since 2020.
But the Sahel? It’s even more heated. Back in the early 2000s, the State Department was only talking about nine terrorist attacks across Africa. Now, the West African Sahel is overrun with terrorist groups that have blown up, evolved, split, and come back together. Rolling under the black flags of jihadist militancy, dudes on motorcycles — rocking sunglasses and turbans, strapped with AK-47s — storm into villages to push their strict Sharia law, terrorizing, assaulting, and taking out civilians. These relentless jihadi attacks have thrown places like Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger into chaos.
“Fatalities in the Sahel are nearly three times what they were in 2020,” the Africa Center report states. “In 2023, Sahel fatalities made up 50 percent of all militant Islamist-linked deaths reported on the continent.”
And get this – at least 15 officers who got US security training have been caught up in 12 coups in West Africa and the greater Sahel during this whole war on terror saga. We’re talking big moves in places like Burkina Faso (2014, 2015, and twice in 2022); Chad (2021); Gambia (2014); Guinea (2021); Mali (2012, 2020, and 2021); Mauritania (2008); and Niger (2023). For instance, at least five heads of the Nigerien junta got American help, as a US official spilled. Then they went and put five US-trained members of the Nigerien security forces in charge as governors.
These military takeovers have been throwing shade on America’s goal of bringing stability and security to Africans, but the US seems to be dragging its feet on cutting ties with these out-of-line regimes. Even after the coup in Niger, the US is still keeping troops there and running missions from its big drone base.
And the juntas? They’re turning up the heat on atrocities. Like Colonel Assimi Goïta, who linked up with US Special Ops, got in on US training exercises, and even hit up the Joint Special Operations University in Florida before flipping Mali’s government in 2020. Goïta then snagged the vice president spot in a transitional government that was supposed to hand power back to the people, only to grab control again in 2021.
That year, Goïta’s crew reportedly green-lit Russia-linked Wagner mercenary forces to step in against Islamist militants after nearly two decades of Western-backed counterterrorism efforts falling flat. Wagner — a crew started by the late Yevgeny Prigozhin, a dude who went from slinging hot dogs to leading a warband — got tangled up in a ton of human rights messes alongside the Malian military, which the US had been backing for the longest, including a 2022 bloodbath that took out 500 civilians.
Usually, US law puts the brakes on military aid after a coup, but the US hasn’t stopped the cash flow to Sahelian juntas. Even after Goïta’s 2020 and 2021 coups set off red flags on some types of US security help, American dollars kept rolling in for his forces. The State Department dropped over $16 million in security aid on Mali in 2020 and close to $5 million in 2021. As of July 2023, the department’s Bureau of Counterterrorism was waiting on the green light from Congress to ship another $2 million Mali’s way. (The State Department didn’t hit back when Responsible Statecraft asked for the 411 on that funding.)
Then there’s Burkina Faso’s military, which took out a bunch of civilians in drone strikes last year, per a recent Human Rights Watch report. These strikes, aimed at Islamist militants but hitting crowded markets and a funeral, left at least 60 civilians dead and many more hurt.
The US has been funneling tens of millions in security aid to Burkina Faso for over a decade. AFRICOM’s spokesperson, Kelly Cahalan, says they’re “not currently providing assistance to Burkina Faso,” but she didn’t break down what that really means.
Matter of fact, last year, AFRICOM’s head honcho, Gen. Michael Langley, owned up to the US still training Burkinabè forces. Those soldiers, for instance, got in on Flintlock 2023, a yearly training gig sponsored by US Special Operations Command Africa. Still, Burkina Faso caught the worst of it in the Sahel, with 67 percent of the militant Islamist-related deaths (7,762) in 2023, according to the Africa Center.
US Africa Command keeps talking a big game about “countering transnational threats and bad actors” and boosting “regional security, stability, and prosperity,” helping African partners keep their folks safe and sound. But with civilian deaths from militant Islamist violence hitting all-time highs, as the Africa Center reports, and spiking 101,300 percent during the war on terror, it’s looking like a whole different story.
When AFRICOM was asked about what the Africa Center’s new report was saying, they told folks to holler at the Office of the Secretary of Defense. But the Pentagon? They stayed quiet, didn’t get back before this got out.
NOW IN ENGLISH
🌍 Terrorism in Africa Surges Over 100,000% During ‘War on Terror’ 🚨
A recent Department of Defense (DoD) report reveals that violence on the African continent is significantly worse today than when the US military first intervened to ‘assist’ 🛑. Terrorism-related deaths in Africa have astonishingly increased by more than 100,000 percent during the U.S. war on terror, as per a new analysis by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, a research institution affiliated with the Pentagon. This finding starkly contrasts claims by the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) about thwarting terrorist threats and promoting security and stability on the continent.
Back in 2002 and 2003, the State Department recorded only nine terrorist attacks across Africa, resulting in 23 casualties. At that time, the U.S. embarked on a decades-long mission, injecting billions of dollars in security assistance, training thousands of African military personnel, establishing numerous outposts, deploying commandos for various missions, forming proxy forces, initiating drone strikes, and even engaging in direct combat with militants on African soil.
Many Americans, including Congress members, remain unaware of the scope of these operations — or their limited impact in safeguarding African lives.
The previous year saw a 20 percent rise in fatalities due to militant Islamist violence in Africa — from 19,412 in 2022 to 23,322 — marking a “record level of lethal violence,” as stated by the Africa Center. This represents nearly a doubling of deaths since 2021 and a 101,300 percent surge since the period of 2002-2003.
For decades, U.S. counter-terrorism efforts in Africa have primarily focused on Somalia and the West African Sahel, both witnessing significant increases in terrorism last year.
U.S. Special Operations forces were initially sent to Somalia in 2002, followed by military aid, advisers, and private contractors. More than two decades later, U.S. troops continue counterterrorism operations there, chiefly against the Islamist militant group al-Shabaab. To this end, Washington has allocated billions in counterterrorism support, as reported by the Costs of War Project at Brown University in 2023. The U.S. has executed over 280 airstrikes and commando raids in Somalia and established several proxy forces for low-key military operations.
According to the Africa Center, Somalia experienced “a 22-percent rise in fatalities in 2023 — reaching a record high of 7,643 deaths,” tripling the fatality count since 2020.
The situation in the Sahel is even more alarming. In 2002 and 2003, the State Department reported only nine terrorist attacks across Africa. Currently, the nations of the West African Sahel are grappling with terrorist groups that have expanded, evolved, split, and reformed. Under the black flags of jihadist militancy, men on motorcycles — donning sunglasses and turbans and armed with AK-47s — storm into villages to enforce their strict version of Sharia law, terrorizing, assaulting, and killing civilians. The relentless onslaught by these jihadis has thrown Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger into turmoil.
“Fatalities in the Sahel account for a near threefold increase from the figures in 2020,” the Africa Center report highlights. “Fatalities in the Sahel constituted 50 percent of all militant Islamist-linked fatalities reported on the continent in 2023.”
At least 15 officers who benefited from U.S. security assistance have played roles in 12 coups in West Africa and the broader Sahel during the war on terror. The list includes officers from Burkina Faso (2014, 2015, and twice in 2022); Chad (2021); Gambia (2014); Guinea (2021); Mali (2012, 2020, and 2021); Mauritania (2008); and Niger (2023). Notably, at least five leaders of the Nigerien junta received American assistance, as acknowledged by a U.S. official. They subsequently appointed five U.S.-trained members of the Nigerien security forces as the country’s governors.
These military coups have thwarted American objectives of instilling stability and security for Africans, yet the United States has been reluctant to sever ties with these rogue regimes. Despite the coup in Niger, for instance, the United States continues to station troops and conduct operations from its extensive drone base there.
The juntas have also intensified atrocities. For example, Colonel Assimi Goïta, who collaborated with U.S. Special Operations forces, participated in U.S. training exercises, and attended the Joint Special Operations University in Florida, overthrew Mali’s government in 2020. Goïta then assumed the role of vice president in a transitional government tasked with restoring civilian rule, only to seize power again in 2021.
In the same year, Goïta’s junta reportedly sanctioned the deployment of Russia-linked Wagner mercenary forces
to combat Islamist militants, following nearly two decades of unsuccessful Western-backed counterterrorism initiatives. Wagner — a paramilitary outfit established by the late Yevgeny Prigozhin, a former hot-dog vendor turned warlord — has been implicated in numerous human rights violations alongside the long-supported Malian military by the U.S., including a 2022 massacre that claimed 500 civilian lives.
Generally, U.S. law restricts military aid to countries following military coups, but the U.S. has persisted in providing support to Sahelian juntas. Although Goïta’s 2020 and 2021 coups activated prohibitions on certain forms of U.S. security assistance, American taxpayer dollars have continued to back his forces. The State Department disclosed that the U.S. delivered over $16 million in security aid to Mali in 2020 and nearly $5 million in 2021. As of July 2023, the department’s Bureau of Counterterrorism was awaiting congressional approval to allocate an additional $2 million to Mali. (The State Department did not respond to a request for an update on the status of that funding from Responsible Statecraft.)
Similarly, Burkina Faso’s military was responsible for the deaths of numerous civilians in drone strikes last year, as reported by a recent Human Rights Watch study. The strikes, aimed at Islamist militants in bustling marketplaces and during a funeral, resulted in at least 60 civilian casualties and left dozens injured.
For over a decade, the U.S. has invested tens of millions of dollars in security aid to Burkina Faso. According to spokesperson Kelly Cahalan, U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) is “not currently providing assistance to Burkina Faso.” However, she did not clarify what that statement entails.
In fact, last year, AFRICOM commander Gen. Michael Langley admitted that the U.S. has continued military training for Burkinabè forces. For instance, these troops participated in Flintlock 2023, an annual training event sponsored by U.S. Special Operations Command Africa. Nevertheless, Burkina Faso endured 67 percent of the Sahel’s militant Islamist-related fatalities (7,762) in 2023, as per the Africa Center.
U.S. Africa Command asserts that it “counters transnational threats and malign actors” and fosters “regional security, stability, and prosperity” by assisting African partners in ensuring the “security and safety” of their citizens. Yet, the record levels of civilian deaths from militant Islamist violence, as reported by the Africa Center, and the 101,300 percent spike during the war on terror indicate the contrary.
AFRICOM directed inquiries about the findings of the Africa Center’s new report to the Office of the Secretary of Defense. The Pentagon did not respond to these questions before publication.
